China’s newly adopted ethnic unity law officially came into effect on July 1, 2026. The law was passed in March this year. The law has been presented by Beijing as a measure to strengthen national cohesion, promote equality among ethnic groups, and safeguard social stability. However, it is quite clear that the legislation is not about protecting diversity, in fact quite the opposite as it looks to accelerate the forced assimilation of China’s ethnic minorities into a singular state-defined national identity.
China has 55 ethnic minorities along with the majority Han community, and minorities’ cultural identity is now under threat with this ethnic unity law. Once they will be forced to assimilate into one state-defined national identity, their own culture and traditions are likely to slowly be erased. Prominent among these minorities are Tibetans, Uyghurs, and Mongolians, minorities that have long been oppressed by China.
Officially, the law talks about forging a “strong sense of community for the Chinese nation,” a phrase repeatedly used by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) under President Xi Jinping. China says that this vision will promote harmony among the country’s ethnic groups. However, it is more likely to erase cultural identity of the minorities and subject them to the dominance of Han Chinese culture and CCP ideology.
China has already been trying to strip people in Xinjiang, Tibet, and Inner Mongolia through their Communist government’s policies. The CCP government have introduced sweeping measures that restrict the use of local languages in schools, tightly regulate religious practices, and discourage cultural traditions deemed inconsistent with the communist state’s interpretation of national unity. Now with this new legislation, they have a stronger legal framework for expanding these policies across China.
In several minority regions, Mandarin has steadily replaced indigenous languages as the primary medium of instruction in schools. While the government argues that Mandarin proficiency improves economic opportunities and social mobility, minority communities fear that younger generations will gradually move away from their roots as they lose fluency in their mother tongues.
Religious freedom is another casualty of Beijing’s assimilation drive. The CCP insists that all religious activities must align with socialist values and remain under state supervision. In Xinjiang, international human rights organizations have documented extensive restrictions on Islamic practices among Uyghurs, including limits on religious education, mosque activities, and traditional customs. Tibetan Buddhists have also faced increased surveillance, while monasteries remain under strict government control. Although Chinese authorities describe these measures as efforts to combat extremism and separatism, it is easy to see they are being used for systematic suppression of religious identity.
The legislation also looks to use education as a tool of propaganda. It does so by encouraging schools, media outlets, and public institutions to promote a unified national consciousness. Loyalty to the Communist Party is going to be promoted over the preservation of distinct ethnic traditions. Cultural festivals, literature, music, and historical narratives are increasingly expected to conform to officially approved interpretations.
The biggest concern with this law is that the ethnic unity law institutionalizes a model in which diversity is tolerated only when it does not challenge the state’s preferred narrative of Chinese identity. Rather than celebrating multiculturalism, the legislation appears designed to create cultural uniformity under the banner of national unity.
The new ethnic unity law risks becoming another instrument through which unique cultural identities in China are gradually diluted in favor of a single, centrally defined national identity which is defined by the Communist Party.
